CRIS Submission to the Inquiry into Extremism in Victoria
This CRIS commentary reports on issues we raised in response to the Inquiry into extremism in Victoria. You can read the Inquiry’s full committee report here, the full CRIS submission here, and other submissions on the Committee website.
Investigating the rise of far-right extremist movements in Victoria
In 2021, investigative journalism from The Age and Channel 9’s 60 Minutes drew attention to what researchers have known for some time: there is a real and growing threat from the far right on Victorians’ doorsteps. Many were shocked to see what went on at internal meetings of a neo-Nazi group which journalists called ‘Racism HQ’, and their ambitious strategies for recruitment and violent action.
Public awareness of the far-right threat grew with headlines around their involvement in anti-lockdown protests and far-right rallies. In February 2022 the Victorian Parliament’s Legislative Council set up an inquiry to examine the rise of far-right extremism in Victoria. The Legislative Council Legal and Social Issues Committee’s Report was published in August 2022.
CRIS members contributed substantial written and oral evidence to this inquiry based on our subject matter expertise on far-right extremism, and our approach to building resilience to all forms of violent extremism and its social harms and impacts.
What do we mean by ‘far right’?
There’s no universally agreed definition of the far right. But when we talk about the ‘far right’, we’re not referring to a more extreme version of right-wing politics.
The far right is an ideological movement known for its anti-democratic nationalist views and focus on the perceived superiority of one social or ethnic group over others. Groups that subscribe to far-right ideology usually focus on an ‘in-group’ (normally white, male, and straight), and demonise ‘out-groups’ (including people of colour, LGBTQIA+, Jewish people, Muslims, and feminists).
People who already hold such racist, homophobic, anti-Semitic and other hostile views against these targeted groups may be more susceptible to far-right messaging and calls to action. However, sharing some or all of these beliefs does not necessarily make someone part of a far-right movement (and someone might be part of a far-right group without sharing all of these beliefs). That means that when we talk about the rise of the far right, we normally mean far-right networks, organisations and communities, rather than the rise of racism, homophobia or misogyny.
In 2021, ASIO and other government agencies changed the way they talk about extremist threats. They now use the terms ideologically motivated violent extremism (IMVE) to distinguish this from what they see as religiously motivated forms of violent extremism (RMVE). We would say that all violent extremism – including those ideologies in which religion features, which can include the far right – is ideological on some level, and so we continue to use the term ‘far right’ to designate the kinds of extremism taken up by the Victorian inquiry. This inquiry focused on the far right as a particular threat because empirical research has shown that the far left is not a comparable threat at this time, and because more needs to be done to combat the threat of far-right extremism.
Victoria’s far right is growing larger and more intense
Our research has shown that far-right online spaces are becoming exponentially more popular in Victoria. There are more Australians using far-right social media to connect with each other and international far-right users, partly because of extended lockdowns driving interactions online. This growth also suggests that far-right recruitment strategies are not only successful, but becoming more strategic.
Figure 1: Number of members of the Gab sub-group 'Australia' between March 2019 – July 2022
What enables Victoria’s far right?
Much has been said about the links between COVID-19, lockdowns, vaccines and the far right. However, the pandemic is really an example of the far right co-opting an opportunity to spread fear, disinformation and hatred. The far right will use any crisis to further spread their message and draw more people to their networks, online but also offline.
It’s not possible to protect against every possible natural disaster, pandemic or global emergency. However, there are social enablers of far-right recruitment, ideas, and messaging, that it is possible to protect against. These include:
Racist scapegoating
Not all racists are far-right extremists…but most far-right extremists are racist. During the COVID-19 pandemic, our research found that online far-right spaces were full of racist hatred, spewing anti-Asian narratives, antisemitic conspiracies, and blaming Muslims for the spread of the virus.
Harmful narratives about migrants ‘stealing Aussie jobs’ or minorities abusing the welfare system can legitimise racist scapegoating.
Declining faith in our democracy
When people do not trust the information from government or the evidence of experts, they will turn to other sources. This includes extremist messaging.
Australia is in the middle of a trust crisis, and the pandemic has made it worse. The Edelman Trust Barometer found that distrust is the default position for Australians in 2022.
In Australia, there are two trust realities – high trust in official information for the well off and more highly educated. Low trust in government and information for the rest of society.
This matters because the decline of trust and increase in trust inequality is directly linked to radicalisation and extremism trends. Those recruiting for religious and racial exclusivist causes exploit this decline of trust and have found some willing to listen to their version of reality. Declining faith in our democracy leaves some feeling unheard and marginalised, leading them to look for recognition and a voice elsewhere.
It also leaves a gap for information, authority and leadership that can be filled by far-right networks and disinformation. Disinformation is inaccurate or false information spread on purpose. It can be used to aggravate grievances and drive people towards far-right (or other) communities that promise action and solutions for these grievances.
Fighting on the “crossline”
While far-right online spaces have surged, real world actions and virtual networks are still closely linked. Arising from our Contact Zones project on violent extremist recruitment, we call the relationship between the online and offline the ‘crossline’ – and it’s an important element of recruitment into the far right.
Several far-right groups in Victoria and other parts of the country try to raise their public profile through local actions, such as stickering or leafletting (leaflets often include contact details), holding rallies or other public stunts. Online interactions can help coordinate people, direct them to offline spaces, and then provide opportunities to create longer term relationships.
Extremist online spaces don’t just share far-right propaganda, but build social communities that attract people looking for a place to belong.
As the far right grows, so does the risk of violence
Far-right extremism holds a significant threat of political violence in many countries around the world, including Australia. According to the Institute for Economics & Peace Global Terrorism Index 2020 in North America, Western Europe, and Oceania, far-right attacks increased by 250% from 2014 to 2019. Deaths increased by 709%.
51 people were killed by an Australian far-right terrorist in the Christchurch mosque attacks in New Zealand. The attacker had been active on several Facebook pages of Victorian far-right groups, and had been invited by one Victorian far-right group to join (an invitation he declined).
In 2019, Philip Galea was convicted of plotting a terrorist attack on a socialist centre and a trade union hall in Melbourne, ‘waging a war against Muslims and leftists’.
The far right has inflicted violence before and has the capability to do so again.
But far-right threats go beyond violence and terrorist attacks
‘Violent talk’ from the far right affects the everyday lives of many Victorians. These Victorians know that the threat of violence from the far right can be real, and that the hate underpinning them is real. Our research into experiences of racism faced by Asian Australians during the pandemic found that even those who hadn’t faced racism themselves avoided certain situations because of racism. The growing popularity of the far right and their propaganda is designed not just to be heard by the ‘in-group’ but targeted at the ‘out-groups’ to increase fear and harm.
Finally, the far-right also threatens democracy – a threat often overlooked in Australian discussions about extremism. Many extreme far-right ideologies include explicit anti-democratic agendas; their ultimate goal is to overthrow democratic systems and replace them with their own authoritarian ‘in-group’ rule.
At a local level in Victoria the far right have tried to intimidate democratically elected representatives to unduly influence legitimate government.
What can Victoria do about far-right extremism?
Addressing the far-right extremist threat requires a multi-pronged approach and a commitment across all of Victoria. Both the state and communities need to develop resources to help combat recruitment to far-right extremism. Two key areas include:
‘Pro-social’ resources
‘Pro-social’ resources build social cohesion and increase trust and acceptance in each other. They include positive messaging and campaigns promoting acceptance, engagement and meaningful exchange with people from different racial, ethnic, religious and cultural backgrounds. The state government needs to support grassroots and community programs, for example through local councils, sporting clubs, cultural events and community organisations and networks.
Given the far right’s use of online networks, it is important that these defences also work on the ‘crossline’. One way to do this is to leverage local community social media campaigns and networks.
While states may fund these campaigns, research has shown that direct government countering violent extremism (CVE) counter-messaging can have limited effectiveness and even inspire resistance and subversion for far-right groups. Nevertheless, it is important for Victoria to be vocal about anti-racism, anti-violence and anti-discrimination efforts. Victoria needs to show its support for multiculturalism and for the benefits of cultural diversity for both Victoria and Australia.
‘Challenging extremism’ resources
These resources directly work to turn people away from the path of radicalisation, either before they engage with the far right, or early in the radicalisation process. This is an important step, as early intervention reduces the risk of the radicalised turning to violent extremism.
Far-right extremism thrives on vigorous and creative campaigns of opposition, and the state must meet these head on with equally strong opposition campaigns. ‘Challenge based’ resources must include anti-conspiracy and critical thinking narratives that help unpick the holes in conspiracist thinking. They should offer alternatives to far right understanding of society’s dynamics and the challenges that we face.
The best ‘challenge based’ resources are the family, kinship and peer networks of potential recruits. They can be strong positive and prosocial influences, and are the best people to notice early signs of radicalisation and intervene.
Our communities have proven time and again their courage and willingness to step up and call out supremacist, racist, violent and discriminatory behaviours, both online and offline.
The committee’s report is an encouraging step towards addressing the threat of far-right extremism
While Victoria may have seen a worrying rise in far-right networks recently, that does not mean they are widespread in Victoria. To the contrary, there is evidence that most Victorians are supportive of multiculturalism and progressive policies. We can be proud that many in communities are committed to democratic and progressive values. In return, Victoria owes them support, resources, trust and investment.